Comparison between Abraham Lincoln and Henry Clay’s views on racial equality and slavery in 1858

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Comparison between Abraham Lincoln and Henry Clay’s views on racial equality and slavery in 1858 - re- elec- THK VIEWS AST) EEBTEHENTS OF Henry...
re- elec- THK VIEWS AST) EEBTEHENTS OF Henry Clay and Abe Lincoln, OX THE SLAVERY QUESTION. Thrlr Compared Their Opinions sre the Same Lincoln and Clay btand npoa tae Same Platform. Below will be found, first, an extract from the speech of Henry Clay, and one from the speech of Abraham Lincoln, explaining how they understand the ABSTRACT IDEA, contained in that phrase of the Declaration of Independence, which declares that ' all vis are CEEATED BliCAL." THE ABSTRACT IDEA OF EQUALITY. CLAY'S OPISIOK. LIHCOLX'sOPIXIOlt. "And what is the My friends, 1 have foundation of this ap- detained yon about as peal to me in Indiana long as I desired to, to liberate the slaves and I have only to say, under my care in Ken- let us discard all tan tucky? Hit general quibbling a bout this man declaration in the act and the other man this announcing to the race and that race, and world the independence other race being in-of the thirteen Ameri- ferior, and therefore can Colonies, that all they must be placed in MEM ABJE CREATED EQUAL. SH inferior position, d B- Kow, as an abstract carding our standard principla, there is no that we have left ns. doubt of the truth ot Let us discard all tbese tbat declaration; and things and unite as one it is desirable in the on- people throughout this ginal construction of land, until we shall society and in organ- once more stand up de-ised societies to keep it clariogthat ALL MEM in view as a great fund- ARE CREATED atnentai principle." EQUAL." Lincoln's Speech of Henry Clay speech as quoted by the in answer to llenden- Mate Megieier. hall of Indiana, at Richmond. Ind., Oct. 1, 1842. - In the above we have Lincoln and Clay exactly agreeing in tbe sentiment, that the abstract idea, that " all men are created equal," is true. Kow it does not follow from this that there must be a social and political equality between different races ; on" the contrary, both Clay and Lincoln again agree in declaring, and go on to say that such an equality is impossible, and will never exist : -THE PRACTICAL APPLICATION. CLAY'S OPDilOH. LWCOLS'S OPDHOW. "But, then, I appre- "I WILL SAY' THEN hend that in no society THAT I AM NOT, NOR that ever did exist or EVER HAVE BEEN ever shall be formed, IN FAVOR OF BRING- WAS OR CAN THE 1NG ABOUT IN ASir EQUALITY ASSERT- WAY THE SOCIAL EO AMONG THE AND POLITICAL MEMBERS OF THE EQUALITY OF THE HUMAN RACE BE WHITE AND BLACK PRACTICALLY EM- RACES, fapplauBel FORCED AND CAR- that 1 am not nor ever RIED OUT. There are have been in favor of portions of it, large making voters or iu- portions, women, mi- rors of negroes, nor of nors, insane, culprits, queutying them to hold transient sojourners, office, nor to in term ar- that will always proba- ry with white people ; bly remain subject to and I will say in ad- tbe government of an- dition to this that other portion of the THERE IS A PHYSI- community." Clav's CAL DIFFERENCE Mendenbaiispeecn, uc- uti'ivii B j THE tober 1, 1812." WHITE AND BLACK. WtUUH 1 BE LIEVE WILL FOREVER FORBID THE TWO RACES LIVING TOGETHER ON TERMS OF SOCIAL AND POLITICAL EQUALITY'. And inasmuch sb they cannot "It has been his di- so live, while thev do vine pleasure to make remsin together, there tne oiacicman oiacK, ana must be tbe position of the white man white, superior and inferior, and to distinguish I, ss much as any other them by other repul- man, am in favor of sive constitutionaigdif- having the superior po- ferences. It is not ne- sition assigned to tbe cessary for me'.o main- white race. I say, upon tain, nor shall I endeav- the occasion, I do not er to prove, that it was perceive that because any pan oi nis divine the white man is to intention, that the one have the sunerior Dosi- race should be held in tion the black should continual bondage by the be denied everything. other. But this 1 will I do not understand say.that those whom be ,that because I do not has created different, want a negro woman and has declared, by tor a slave, I must ne-tbeir physical structure cessarily want her for and color, ought to be n wife. Cheers and kept asunder, should not laughter. J My under-be brought together, -standing is that I can ci Ant r-ituiyr.oa just let her alone." WHATEVER, of un- f Lincoln's Charleston natural amalgamation.' speech. LINCOLN AND CLAY ON AMALGAMA TION. From the following extracts it will be seen that Lincoln does not, and never did desire the social and political equality of blacks and whites. On the contrary, he believes, precisely as Henry Clay did, that tbe best remedy for tbe evils of such promiscuous intercourse and amalgamation, either under slave society or free so ciety, is a SEPARATION OF THE RACES, and for this purpose be desires tbat slavery shall be kept out of the new Territories. Read the following respective opinions of Clay and Lincoln on this subject: THE SEPARATION OF THE RACES. CLAY'S OPINIOK. -t: - MKCOLW'S OPISIOK. "if we were to invoke "But Judge Douglas the greatest blessing on is especially horrified earth, which Heaven at the thought of the in ite mercy could be- mixing blood by the stow on tbis cation, it white and black races, would be the SEPARA- Agreed for once a TION OF THE TWO thousand times agreed. MOST NUMEROUS There are white men RACES OF ITS PO- enough to marry all PULATION, and their the white women, and comfortable establish- black men enough to ment in distinct and marry all the black distant conntriea. To women ; and so let say nothing of the them be married. On greatest difficulty in the this point we fully formation of our pres- agree with the Judge ; ent happy constitution, and when he shall which rose out of this show that his policy is MIXED CONDITION better adapted to pre- OF OUR PEOPLE; vent amalgamation nothing of the distract- than oars, we shall ing Missouri question, drop ours and adopt which was so threaten- his. Let us see. In ing; nothing of others 1850 there were in the springing FROM THE United States 505,751 SAME FRUITFUL mulattoes. Very few SOURCE, which yet of these are the off- agitates, who can con- spring of whites and template the future frte blacks ; nearly all without the most W- bave sprung from black ful apprehensions tlavet and white mss- this PR0MIS- ters. A SEPARATION CUOUS RESIDENCE OF THE RAl ES IS OF WHITES AND THE ONLY CERTAIN BLACKS, OF FREE- PREVENTIVE OF MEN AND SLAVES A M ALU AM A T I O N ; is forever to continue, BUT, AS AN IMMF- can imagine the ser- DI ATE SEPARATION Vile wars, the carnage IS IMPOSSIBLE, THE and tbe crimes which NEXT BET THING will be its probable eon- IS TO KEEP THEM ?uns, without shad- APART WHERE dering with horror? THEY ARE NOT AL Clay's speech, December 17, IS-1-. READY TOGETHER. If white and black peo ple never get together la Kansas, they will never mix blood in Kansas f L i n c-o 1 n's And sgain : "I desire no conceal- Springfield speech, of metii oi my opinions in tfuce zo, loot. regard to the institn- The framers of the tion of slavery. 1 look Constitution found the npon it as a great evil, institution of slavery ana deeply lament mat amongst then other m-we have derived it from stitntions at the time. the parental govern- They found that by an ment and from our nn- effort to eradicate thev cestors. I WISti EV- might lose much of ERY SLAVE IN THE wbat thev bad already UNITED STATES gained. They were ob-WAS IN THE COUX- liged to bow to the ne-TRY OF HIS ANCES- cessity. They gave TORS. Clay's Men- power to Congress to denhall address. abolish the slave trade at the end of twenty years. They also pro- niDited it in the Terri tories where it did not exist. Thev did wbat tbev could and vielded to the necessity for tbe rest. 1 also vield to all which follows from that necessity. WHAT WOULD MOST DE- S1RK WOULD BE . THE SEPARATION OF TBE WHITE AND BLACK RACES. Lincoln's Springfield speeca, July lj, lboS. Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Clay not only held iden tical opinions as to the abstract ideas, and tl e practical application of them, about this slavery question, and tbe identical belief that the white aud black races ought to be separated, but they also both agree in holding that the "cltimatb xitxcmox or slavert" by some safe, eonserra- tioe and constitutional mtttod, is desirable. THE tXTLMATE EXTINCTION OF BLAV! .ERl. clay's opikiox.5 " lu common with many emiuent patriots of the slaveholding States such as Washington, Jeffcrvon, Madison, Jursliall, Mercer and a host of others Xr. Clay has ever regarded slavery in the United States not les as a social wrong than a great political erU as a sore on the body politic flemaniliiig the gravest consideration of the wise and good for the uL-covery aud appli cation of a conittittiiiou a! remedy. His entrance on the theater of public life, hi;Keiiluckv, WAS AS AN EMANCIPATIONIST, in 179. the year after he removed to that Mate, where he appeared first in a series of articles, published at Lexington, iu the Kentucky Cuzctte, over the signal are of Ktae-vola ; aud soon allvr-ward he took the field more openly, and headed a party of emancipationists, during the agitation ot reiuoucliiig Lincoln's orisios. I have said that I believe we shall not have peace tioon the qut-stiou until the oi- yn'nents of smv-rv A fi ll EST THE FURTHER SPREAD OF IT, and place it where tbe pub lic mina snsti ret-t tne belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction ; or on the other hand , that iu ad vocates will push it for ward, until it shall be come alike lawful mall tue tatatcs, oid as well as new. norib as well as south. Now I believe if we could arrest the spread, and place it where Wahinutcn, and jii unison placed it, it WOULD BE in tlie course of ultimate ex tinction, and the public mind would, as lor 0 years past, believe that it was in the conise of nitimate extinction. The crisis would be pat, nnd ihp institution might be l-t alone for huodnd years, if it should le so I- ng, in the out ts where it ti the State Constitution, istf, yet it would be PROPOSING AND AD- going out of existence VOCATING THE IN- in tbe way best for both TRObUCTION OF AN the black and the white ARTICLE FOR THE races." Lincoln's Ot-GRADUaL AND TJL- tawa speecn, August 21, TIM ATE ABOLITION 1658. - OF SLAVERY IN THE And sgain : COMMONWEALTH "While I am upon Cotton's Life of Henrr this subject, I will make Clay, edition of 1646, some answers briefly to vol. 1, page 187. 'certain propositions And again: that Judge Douglas has "If Iconldbeinstra- put. He says: 'Why mental In eradicating can't this Union endure this deepest stain (slav- permanently, half slave ery) from the character and half free 2" I have of our country, and re- said that I supposed it moving all cause of re- could not, and I will p roach on account of it, try, before this new au-by foreign nations, if I dience, to give briefly could only be instru- some of tbe reasons for mental in ridding of enlurtaining tbatopin-this foul blot that re- ion. Another form of vered State that gave his question is : ' Why me birth, or that not can't we let it stand as less beloved State our fathers placed it V which kindly adopted That is the exact diffi-me as her son, I would culty between us. I say not exchange the proud that Judga Donglas and satisfaction which :I his friends have chang-should enjoy for the ed it from the posi-honor of . all tbe tri- tion in which our fath-nmphsever decreed to ers originally placed it. the most snecessfnl cod- I say iu the way our queror. fathers originally left " We are reproached the slavery question.the "with doing mischief f y institution was in the the agitation of this course of ultimate ex-question (slavery.) .Col- tinction, and the public lateral consequences we mind rested in the be-nre not responsible for. lief that it mat in the course of ultimate ex-Wbat would they who tinction. I say when thus reproach us have this government . was done 1 If they would first 'established it was repress ell tendencies the policy of its found-toward liberfv, and UL- ers to prohibit the TIM ATE EMANCIPA- spread of slavery into TION, they must do the new Territories more than put down the of the United States, benevolent efforts of where it had not exist-this society. They must ed. But Judge Douglas go back to the era of and his friends huve our liberty and inde- broken up tbat policy nendence. and mnzzle and placed it upou a the cannon which thun- new basis by which it is ders its annual joyous toiecome national and return. Thev must re- perpetual. ALL I vive the slave trad with HAVE ASKED OR DE all its atrocities. Thev SIRED ANYWHERE must blow out the mor- IS, THAT IT SHOULD al lights around us. and BE PLACED BACK extinguish that trreatest AGAIN UPON THE torch of all which BASH THAT THE FA- America presents to a THERS OF OUR GO - benishted world, noint- EUNMENT OIUGLN- ing their way to their ALLY" PLACED I T ritrhts. their liberties UPON. I have aud their happiness, doubt that it would be-And when they bave come extinct, lor all achieved all these nur- time to come, if we but poses, their work will re-adopt the policy of yet be incomplete, the fathers by restnet-They must penetrulc the hig it to the liimts it human sold, and eradi- has already Covered cafe the ieftf of reason restrictins it from the and the love of libertit. new Territories." Then, and not till then. Lincom'3 Joneslioro when universal darkness speech, Sept. 15, 1858. and dt-snair prevail, can yon pebpetcate slavery and supiress ail sympathies, and all humane aud benevolent efforts among freemen, in behalf of the unhappy portion of our race doomed to bondage." speech or Henry Clay b.'fore the Colonization Socie'y in 1827. In view of the above opinion of Henry Clay, let the intelligennt reader ask himself the ques tion, how can we best follow Clay's example and advice f Can we ever get rid of the evil , by al lowing it to spread into our new Territories, to gro'v, and increase? Certamly not. On the contrary, let us adopt Lincoln's plan of arresting Us further spread, and restricting it to its present limits. Below are the sentiments of Clay in 1850, on the slavery question in its present aspects. The reader will see that, like the Republican party, he repudiates squatter sovereignty, repudiates the Dred Scott principles, declares the power of Congress to govern the Territories, and reiterates his own eternal opposition to the spread of slavery : HCNRT CLAY'S BBSOLTJTIOS, SHOWING TH PROHIB ITORY CBASACTSB OF THE C0UPBOMISI MS AS CBCS. "2d. Resolved, THAT AS SLAVERY DOES NOT EXIST BY LAW, AND IS NOT LIKELY TO BE INTRODUCED INTO ANY OF THE TERRITORY acquired by the United States from tbe Republic of Mexico, it is inexpedient tor Congress to provide oy law either lor its in troduction into or exclusion from any part ot tbe said territory," &c 2d Compromise Reso lution, submitted by rienry tiay to tne senate, January 23, 1800. ... " The first (compensation offered to the north in lieu of the Wilmot Proviso) ts, THAT BY LAW SLAVERY NO LONGER EXISTS IN AXV" PORtlON OF THE ACQUISITION made by us from the Republic of Mexico ; and tbe other is, tbat in our opinion, according to all the probabilities of the case. SLAVERY NEVER WILL BE INTRODUCED INTO ANY PORTION OF THE TERRITORIES so acquired from Mexico." (Clay's Compromise Speech, in "senate, reb. 5, lboO; Cong. Globe Appendix, vol. Tl, part i, page 1 16. HUSKY CLAY BEPDDIATKS SQUATTEB 80VEB- BIGXTY. " Why, sir, remember how those settlements were made, ibey began with very few persons. Marietta was, I think, the first place settled in the Northwest Territory. My friend now betore me Mr. Corwin) will correct me if 1 am wrong. It was a small settlement, made by some two or three hundred persons trom a&w England. Cincinnati was the next, and was Bettled by a bandtut ot persons trom new Jersey, perbaps, or some other of the States. HAD THOSE FEW SETTLERS THE RIGHT, from the mo ment they arrived there A MERE HANDFUL OF MEN who may have planted themselves at Marietta or Cincinnati TO GOVERN AND DISPOSE OF THE TERRITORIES, or to gov ern themselves as a sovereign community ? or was it not in the meantime .RIGHT AND PROPER, and within the contemplation of the Constitution. THAT CONGRESS WHO OWN ED THE SOIL, acling under the autboritv therein contained. SHOULD REGULATE THE SETTLEMENT OF THE SOIL, AND GOVERN THE tit, I il.r.K,S LJI THOSii IN r AN r COLO N1ES until they should reach a sufficient degree ot consideration, in respect of numbers and ca pacity tor self government, to be constituted into mora regular municipal organizations and be allowed to govern themselves?" Compro mise Speech ot Henry may, in .Senate, xeo. 6. I860 ; Cong. Globe Appendix, voL 2, part 1, page 113. HKSBY CLAY KIPrrDIATIS THK PRDtCIPLBS OP TUB DRXO SCOTT DKCISIOK. ' Sow, really, I must say, that the idea that to inetanti, npon the consummation of the treatv, the Constitution of the United States spread itself over the acquired eoontrv, AND CARRIED ALONG WITH IT THE INSTITU TION OF SLAVERY, IS SO IRRECONCILABLE WITH ANY COMPREHENSION OR ANY REASON WHICH I POSSESS, THAT 1 HARDLY KNOW HOW TO MEET IT." f Clav's Compromise Bpeech, in Senate, Feb. 5. 1S50; Cong. Globe sppendix, voL 22, part 1, page 117. " I am aware that there are. gentlemen who maintain that, in virtue of the Constitution, the right to carry slaves south of that line (30 deg. 30 mm.) already exists, ana tbat of course. those who maintain that opinion, want no other security for the transportation of their slaves south ot tbat line than tne constitution. It had not heard "'hat opinion avowed, I should bave regarded it as one ot the most extraord inary assumptions, and the most indefensible position that ever was taken by men. The Constitution neither created, nor does it continue slavery, Slavery existed independent of the Constitution, and antecedent to tbe Constitution : and it was dependent in the States, not upon the will of Congress, bat apon the laws of the respective states. 1 ne constitution is silent ana passive upon the subject of the institution of slavery ; or, rather, it deals with the tact as it exists in the States, without having created it, or con tinued it, or being responsible for it in tbe slightest degree. If slaves are voluntarily carried into such jurisdiction (wbere slavery does not exist) their chains instantly drop ou. and uiey Became tree. emancipated, liberated from their bondage If the Constitution pos sesses the paramount authority attributed to it. ( hat is, to protect slavery in the Territories,) t . e laws even of the free States ot the Union nv . uld yield to that paramount authority. In my opinion, therefore, the supposition that the Conntution of tbe United Stales carries slavery in California, supposing ber not to be a State, is an assumption totally unwarranted by the Constitution. Whv, if tbe Constitution gave the privilege, it would be in competent for California to adopt tbe provision (establishing it is a free State) which she has in her constitution. www The Citnstituticn is an aggregate of ceded pow ers. No power is granted except when it is ex pressly delegated, or wnen u is necessary ana proper to carry into effect a delegated power. And if in any instance the power to carry slaves into tbe territories is guaranteed to you by the Constitution, or is an incident necessary to the carrying out of any other power that is delegat ed in tbe constitution, l nave Deen nnaoie to perceive it Amidst all the vicissitudes of public lite, and amidst all the changes aud turns of party, I never have in my lite deviated from these great, fundamental, and l turns lnaispnt- ablv true Drineiolea of interpteung tbe Consti tution of the United States. Take these princi ples to be true, and where ts the power can any body point it out to me ? which gives you a right to carry your slave to Valiiormaf noere is the delegated nower. or the power to which it Rtt&heii &k a nAABitsarv implication ?- IT IS NOWHERE TO BE FOUND. Yoa most re sort to some such general principle as the Fed-emliats did in the eariv history of this country. when they contended for the doctrine of the general wel'sre. BUT YOU CANNOT PUT Ym-R KINUF.K ON THE PART OF THE CON STITUTION W HICH CONVEYS THE RIGHT OK THK PO W KH TO CARRY riL-AVr.S (KUH ONE OF THE STATES OF THE UNION TO ANY 1KRR1 ITIItY OF THE LNllfcU M'AlhS. Nor. air, can 1 admit for a sin pin moment, that there is any separate or .nil richm nnetn the Dart of tbe States, or individual members of a State, or any portion of the riMmle of the United States, to carry Slaves into th Territories, under tbe idea that tbese T.rrimn..- hM in common between the several States." Compromise speech of Henry Clay, made in Senate, July 22, lsdo; Cong. Globe Appet dix, voL 22, part 3, pages H10 and Mil. DSSRT CLAY D. CLAEE TUB POWBB Of COKQBBSS TO aOOlBIT SLAVXET. , "The roWER. theu. Mr. Fresideul, in my ,.;,..,, i end it to the intioduclioa as -,n ,k .t.. tinn of !everv in the new Tenitoiiea-DOES EXIST IN CONGtEiCi '

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  1. Chicago Tribune,
  2. 26 Oct 1858, Tue,
  3. Page 2

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  • Comparison between Abraham Lincoln and Henry Clay’s views on racial equality and slavery in 1858

    staff_reporter – 08 Jun 2018

  • mybookwork
    Thanks, very interesting. But you make a mistake when you do --as many do -- when you say "views" as if these are policy statements they believe. They said things carefully to get elected. Don't forget that. You have heard of politics, right?

    mybookwork15 Jun 2018

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