Chicago Tribune from Chicago, Illinois • 42

A forum ideas, analysis, diverse opinion Section 3 Chicago Tribune, Wednesday, September 21, 1977 fi CTl 111 TW VH Mil mn i.J Man; McGroiry The main course is a dish of crow GermondWiicover The line forms at the rear can expect the government to compound its interest in banking affairs!" "After those Bert Lance hearings, we Interview with egg on its face. When not feeble, its members looked foolish. The chairman and vice chairman were stumbling over each other in their zeal to apologize to the public and the witness. The others nattered and bickered. Chairman Abe Ribicoff kept beating his breast for the conduct of the first "perfunctory" confirmation hearings.

Vice Chairman Percy kept explaining how he had meant no harm when he suggested that Lance had been doing a little income-tax evasion. The White House has a special new fondness for Sen. Thomas Eagleton who turned on Percy with a harshness that Lance was spared throughout his "day in court." Eagleton laced into Percy for McCarthy-type tactics. He spat out his name. "Percy" he said, without even the customary handle of "senator." Eagleton, during 1972's major political crisis, was dropped from the McGovern ticket for not disclosing his history of mental illness.

In the process, he was falsely accused of drunken driving. On both sides of Capitol Hill, Jimmy Carter is regarded with new awe. They think he has voodoo. How else could you explain Republican Senator Ted Stephen's fervent good wishes for Lance's survival. The show of senatorial haplessness came out of another era.

It was, bast cally, a confrontation between someone who knew exactly what he wanted and a set of people who weren't sure. THE SENATORS never articulated their dilemma. But they were thinking, as was Lance, of the great listening audience, which has been conditioned by the villainy of the Watergate years. For the senators, they have left a no-win legacy. They understand that the public expects to have every shred of evil laid bare.

Jimmy Carter had no such problem. He just hung in with a friend. He got rained on for weeks for saying he was "proud" of Lance after the inconclusive report of the comptroller of the currency. Now, he can say it again. Lance may have been one of the most overdrawn people in the Republic, but he proved himself to be terribly telegenic.

Carter is a free man. He can do what he likes about Lance. He can ask him to stay on, as totally vindicated victim of press excesses and senatorial stupidity. Lance may wish to protect his patron from snide remarks about the and return to Atlanta in glory, using his A defiant South WASHINGTON If Jimmy Carter wants to gloat, he should. He's entitled.

He has scored a stunning reversal in the Lance case. He has triumphed over the Senate and the press, two groups which have been pasting him for the mess he was making, and hurling his pious campaign rhetoric back in his face, lecturing him on the folly of failing to fire an old friend. LAST THURSDAY, the town was measuring Bert Lance for a coffin. The members of the Senate Governmental Affairs Committee were smugly preparing to administer the last rites. Two hours later, in the mysterious alchemy Bob Wiedrich is on vacation.

of a Senate hearing, he was a folk hero. Over on the House side, where they always enjoy seeing the Senate skid on the banana, they were chortling. "Bert Lance is the best witness up here since Frank Sinatra got hauled in to tell about his Mafia connections. He wasn't ir the room five minutes when they were all under the desks, saying 'who brought him in said a Democratic member. The White House faithful gathered around the television to watch Lance's tank-like progress.

By noontime, they decided that the miracle they had prayed for might be coming to pass and by nightfall, the public, which is all they care about, brought the tidings that the tide had turned. Whereas the day fore, the calls had run 3 to 1 against Lance, on Thursday evening, they came in 116 in Lance's favor to 45 opposed. The lesson learned at the White House is simple: When in trouble, hire Clark Clifford. The elegant barrister, perfectly turned out, led into the hearing room by four brief-case bearers, is the new matinee idol at the White House. Crow is on the bill of fare at many local tables.

The press, which had been warning Carter that he was endangering the Panama Canal treaty, welfare reform, and the future of the Western World by his reluctance to dump Lance, is eating its share and having to listen to new charges of "post-Watergate morality gone mad' and printing slander about a nice man. White House Press Secretary Jody Powell's gaffe he was fingered while trying to peddle dirt about the special scourge, Sen. Charles Percy of Illinois-was almost forgotten in the general rejoicing. The Senate can feast for weeks on the Vernon Jarrett Vorster ernment ammunition for rallying popular support in opposition to change. Denying that the Carter administration had subsequently softened the implications of the Mondale statement, Vorster said sharply: "They have never repudiated Mondale." The prime minister said that such a policy represented "blatant meddling in South African affairs," and that he did not believe the American people would approve of the Carter administration prescribing what form of government should obtain in South Africa.

FOR THE first time, Vorster revealed that his government intended "Nobody can allow outsiders, however well-intentioned, whatever their motives, to meddle in our internal affairs." to pursue a policy of "fully elected community councils gradually taking over all local government" in the black townships situated in the territory of South Africa now reserved to total white control. "It can't happen in a day," Vorster said. "You must start by having fully elected councils and then by way of evolution, these councils will grow and grow until eventually they can take over the whole of city administration. This is the way we will be going." Asked if this signified a step in the direction of eventual participation by the blacks in the national political process, the prime minister curtly said, "No." Vorster said that the 18.6 million blacks who constitute more than 70 per cent of the country's population would be represented in a national or parliamentary sense, only in the separate, black "Homelands" through their state governments, This would exclude the 8.5 million blacks who now live in the white-controlled areas. Black nationalist leaders have opposed the Homelands, or separate development program, and insisted on full political participation in a unitary state.

Vorster said he would press forward with his proposal for constitutional changes that would offer a share of national political power now held totally by the 4.3 million whites to the 2.4 million people of mixed race and 750,000 Indians, but exclude blacks. He Why the mayor is good at counting By Jack Germond and Jules Witcover WHATEVER THE opinion surveys say about Jimmy Carter's popularity, the Republicans clearly don't believe it. At this stage, there seem to be at least 416 Republican politicians already intending to run for President in 1980. The field is so crowded, in fact, that there are two hatching plots in Houston alone. The first, of course, is John B.

Connal-ly the former Treasury secretary, who is now setting up his own political action committee as an obvious rival to that of Ronald Reagan's Citizens for the Republic in Los Angeles. The second is George Bush, the former ambassador to China, former GOP national chairman, and ex-director of the Central Intelligence Agency. Party sources say Bush is getting some valued help from an old Houston friend. James Baker, whn mario a strong reputation in the political community as the campaign director for President Ford in 1976. Bush is taking pains, however, not to cut himself off from the conservatives and has sent word to the West Coast that he would like to get together with Reagan.

"Checking in" with Reagan, one way or the other, seems to be considered obligatory among Republicans these days. Indeed, another former Treasury sec retary with an interest in 1980, William Simon, has carried it a step further by retaining Pete Hannaford and Mike Deaver, whose public relations firm's prime client is Reagan, to help him with his radio program. Running for President unsuccessfully is not always good politics back home. Although there is a certain amount of local pride, the failed candidate is always vulnerable to the accusation that he has "gone national" and forgotten his Running for President unsuccessfully is not always good politics back home. A failed candidate can be accused of having "gone national." beginnings and his constituents.

That line gave George McGovern a tough reelection campaign in South Dakota in 1974, and now some Republicans are persuaded they have a realistic chance of knocking off Morris K. Udall in Arizona next year if they can find the right candidate. One possibility is Tucson Mayor Lou Murphy. Udall, however, has not survived this long by taking things for granted, and the liberal Democrat is already working assiduously on his campaignto the point that he flies back to the district almost every other week. Udall's situation is complicated by the fact that Tongsun Park contributed $300 to his campaign fund seven years ago.

Although the evidence is clear that Udall didn't know Park, reported the money as required, and has consistently taken a hard line against South Korea, the contribution is the kind of thing that he is repeatedly called on to explain and no politician likes to be in that posture. For some months now, White House political operatives have been expressing concern about the presidential relationship with Sen. Edward M. Kennedy, which has been badly strained by President Carter's refusal to accept Kennedy's plan for a national health insurance system. But they didn't help themselves any the other day when they sat back and let die Kennedy's proposal to ban the major oil companies from buying into coal and uranium from now on.

PROTECT-ME FROM MY -FRIENDS With all other problems, Bert Lance has been getting sotto voce backing from conservatives that made his political position worse than it might have been. Their line: That Lance was being victimized by the liberal "big spenders" in the administration notably Vice President Walter Mondale and Treasury Secretary Michael Blumenthal who wanted a budget director less committed to holding the fiscal line than Lance. White House officials in a position to know say, however, that the tone of the administration on spending is set by Jimmy Carter alone and not by any budget director, however close bis relationship to the President. When he ran for governor of West Virginia last year John D. Jay Rockefeller IV made a fetish of avoiding any suggestion that he considered this a stepping stone to seeking the Democratic presidential nomination sometime later.

He carried it to the point of even balking at giving interviews to out-of-state newspapers. But Rockefeller now is apparently much more relaxed about such speculation. He went to North Carolina for a party speech early this summer, his first such, and he is going into Virginia soon to campaign for Charles Robb, an old friend who is the Democratic nominee for lieutenant governor there. And at the national Governors' Conference in Detroit recently, he even took a half hour to chat with a handful of national reporters. None of those swallows makes a spring, but politicians are already muttering to themselves that "Jay Rockefeller is moving around." Stay tuned, Africa said that he had not given up hope that the people of mixed race, or the coloreds as they are referred to here, would finally accept the proposals, although the top leadership of the dominant Labor Party has already rejected them because of the failure to include blacks in a nonracial society.

Vorster said a shortage of funds was slowing the evolutionary process toward enhanced facilities for blacks in such matters as education, housing, and such municipal amenities in the townships as household running water and electricity. "The blacks in South Africa have made more progress in the past five years in all directions than in the last two centuries," Vorster said, adding: "The standard of living of the South African black is two to five times higher than that in any black country in Africa. The rate of literacy is two to five times higher." The 50-minute interview was conducted in Vorster's wood-paneled office on the first floor of the Union Building, the massive sandstone administrative center that stands on a hill overlooking Pretoria. Vorster was adamant that he would not "twist the arm" of Prime Minister Smith to force acceptance of the British-American proposal which the Rho-desian leader has denounced but not finally rejected. Washington and London have brought intense pressure, with the implied threat of possible sanctions, on Vorster to back the plan because South Africa could compel the Smith white minority regime to yield.

Rhodesia is dependent on South Africa as an avenue of trade, supply, and communications. ALTHOUGH VORSTER did not comment specifically, it was apparent in Pretoria that South Africa stands with Smith in shunning the terms of that key clause of the plan which provides for the creation of a new army after a new government has been formed in Salisbury. The proposal would draw on elements of the present Rhodesian army, but it "would be based on the liberation forces," meaning the guerrillas of the Patriotic Front. Vorster said that Smith was prepared to accept majority rule but that he was experiencing political difficulties because there were four black contenders, presumably including those of the Patriotic Front as well as those who had remained in Salisbury, for the leadership of the government to be formed. The South African prime minister suggested that an election or referendum might be held to determine which black leader had majority support and was therefore qualified to deal with Smith.

IdmontM out ml Last week Seymour Topping, managing editor of The New York Times, visited South Africa, where he interviewed Prime Minister' John Vorster in Pretoria. FoIIottimg is an account of what the blunt-speaking leader had to say: 1 PRETORIA Prime Minister John Vorster warned the United States that he would resist its "blatant meddling" in the internal affairs of his nation. The South African leader, speaking deliberately and defiantly in a blunt interview, declared that nis govern ment was bracing to withstand any economic sanctions or oil boycott that might be imposed as a consequence of the dispute over the future of Rhode sia or opposition to bis apartheid pou-cy of racial segregation. Vorster insisted that he wouia not despite American pressure compel Prime Minister Ian Smith of Rhodesia to accept the British-American plan for transfer of power to a black majority in that embattled country. mscussing aeiaiis 01 nis lasi private conversation in Pretoria with Andrew Young, Vorster said he had told the chief U.S.

delegate to the United Na tions: "If they think that they can pressure me into pressuring smith, then they have got another guess coming because I won't do it." THE PRIME minister was interviewed in his heavily guarded office in the capital at a time when South Africa is plunged into its most serious crisis since the bloody black student riots last year. The Vorster government is confronted by an upsurge of black student demonstrations and protests, supported by the white liberal factions, against the unexplained death 11 days ago of Steven Biko, the most popular young black leader in South Africa who was in police detention at the time of his death. In his interview, the prime minister made his first public comment about the Biko storm. He said the death was "very unfortunate," promised a judicial inquiry, but added that the role of the 30-year-old black nationalist leader had been exaggerated. An atmosphere of siege in the country has also been engendered by the speeches of members of the Vorster cabinet, suggesting that the country might have to go it alone economically, in defiance of possible economic sanctions.

Wide publicity was given to Western hints that economic sanctions might be imposed if South Africa failed to back the British-American initiative in Rhodesia or did not yield to pressure for evolution to a nonra-cial society. Commenting on American policy, Vorster said: "It is fast reaching the stage where we feel that the United States wants to prescribe to us how we should run our country internally and that is of course unacceptable to us. It is a fool who doesn't listen to advice, but nobody can allow outsiders, however well-intentioned, whatever their motives, to meddle in their internal affairs." "I am definitely not going to let anybody tell me how to do it and to subscribe to me what I should do and what I should not do," the prime minister added. Vorster returned to the attack on a remark made by Vice-President Walter Mondale in Vienna last May at a news conference following a meeting between two officials. The remark was taken here as confirmation that thn United States favored one-man, one vote elections in South Africa which would lead to black majority rule.

Mondale said he did not see any difference between the concepts of full participation and one-man, one-vote. "It's the same thing," Mondale remarked. "Every citizen should have the right to vote, and every vote would be equally weighted." White liberals in opposition parties have joined the conservatives in Vor-ster's National Party in criticizing Mondale. While generally favoring United States pressure for change in South Africa, the liberals feel that the Mondale remark, by implying a rapid rather than gradual evolution to a nonraclal society, had given the gov triumph to run again for governor of Georgia. Or he may want to stay, just to prove he can.

Washington Stir lowing the killing of Black Panther leaders Mark Clark and Fred Hampton. And blacks did show their resentment against Mayor Daley when Rep. Ralph H. Metcalfe 111. was resoundingly reelected without Daley's endorsement.

But Chicago blacks have not indicated any evidence of a sustained resistance to the Democratic machine. When Mayor Daley died unexpectedly last December, individuals not conversant with Chicago politics would have predicted a massive black turnout at the special election. Blacks were expected to chastise the party bosses for the way City Council President Pro Tern Wilson Frost was insulted when he merely attempted to preside as interim mayor. One could have predicted a big protest vote for State Sen. Harold Washington, the most impressive black candidate in the race, even though he was not given a chance of winning.

Not only did most black voters ignore Washington, they ignored the ballot box, period. A comparison of black and white wards in that primary is startling. I ask myself who are the city's three most prominent black political figures and I came up with these names: Rep. Metcalfe, 3d Ward committeeman; former State Sen. Cecil Partee, 20th Ward committeeman, and Aid.

Frost, 34th Ward committeeman. Here is the voter turnout in those wards: 8,503 3d, 9,587 20th, 11,870 34th. The total was 29,960. THE TOTAL of all three wards was only 2,489 more than the vote in the 13th Ward and only 1,298 more than in Aid. Roman Pucinskl's predominantly Polish 41st Ward.

These figures may partly explain why the machine will do a lot of thinking before it seeks retribution against Pucinski for running as a maverick against Bilandic in the primary. These figures thus far are mild. There are several single all-white wards that will easily match the total of any two or three black wards selected randomly for comparison. In eight of the 15 mainly black wards, the voter turnout ranged from 7,374 to fewer than 12,000 voters. The turnout in white wards ranged from a low Of 11.391 in th 4fifh Want Gold Coast to a high of 27,473 in the ran iMarquette Parkj.

Six of the city's 50 wards produced turnouts above 60 per cent. None was black. Bilandic can count even though he may not be an impressive speaker. Da ley also could count. And so when we raise the question as to Bilandic's silence during a racial crisis, some of our black leaders should ask what have they done to raise a thunderous voice against racism on elec tion day.

IF MY PERSONAL and casual acquaintances represent a consensus, it could be said with confidence that most black Chicagoans are unhappy about the reluctance of Mayor Bilandic to make a strong statement against the blatant racism currently on display in the presence of small school children on the Southwest Side. "How can a mayor of a city like Chicago remain practically silent," one caller asked, "when little children are concerned and the whole town could explode in violence?" The mayor has made a statement or two calling for strict respect for the law, while both he and police boss James Rochford have promised that the black children bused into the tension-filled Southwest Side schools would be protected. But most of us blacks want a forthright statement from the mayor supporting the right of blacks or any other race to live and go to school with the same freedom other Americans have. I DON'T THINK the mayor is golng'to make such a statement even if he had strong inner inclinations to do so. I believe the mayor will choose his words carefully as most politicians do mainly because the mayor can count.

If Mayor Bilandic is anything like Mayor Daley during the late mayor's best political moments, he has studied the election returns under a microscope. But one does not need a microscope to compare the voting returns from black wards with certain white wards that show a great resistance to black people. For an example, Bogan High School, a popular magnet for race-hate activity, Is near the 18th Ward and in shouting distance of the 13th Ward, which embraces much of Marquette Park, a gathering ground for the local Nazi Party. On election day the people in both wards turn out en masse. The same cannot be said of the black wards, including those where our most vocal and best known black leaders reside.

In the April special mayoral primary election, voters in the 18th Ward applied for 21,910 ballots 54.6 per cent of the registered voters and in the 13th Ward there were 27,473 applications 65.6 per cent. Not a single black ward had even 15,000 applications. When you inspect the official reports of the Chicago Board of Election Commissioners for the last two elections, it Is not difficult to understand why the so-called city fathers feel that they can do Anything or nothing for blacks with the tomforting knowledge "at 5 will not punished on electic It Is clear also that blaofc an rise up In anger on occasions Dlacks did against State's Atty. Ed Hanrahan fol-.